Title | Authors | Text |
Complex Organizations: A Critical Essay | Charles Perrow | political institutions and by the media of mass com munication and entertainment. Sociology reflects this complexity. It is often packaged in separate sociologies such as those of work. religion, minorities, politics, and the community. |
Homo Academicus | Pierre Bourdieu | Mais on aura beau pousser jusqu’à sa limite extrême l’effort pour bannir toutes les notations menacées de fonctionner dans la logique ordinaire, celle du ragot, de la médisance ou de la calomnie ou celle du libelle et du pamphlet, qui, s’ils se déguisent volontiers, |
acad2 | | distance et la difficulte d'instaurer cette relation de proximite rompue et restauree qui, au prix d'un long travail sur l'objet mais aussi sur le sujet de la recherche, permet d'integrer tout ce qu'on ne peut savoir que si l'on en est et tout ce qu'on ne peut ou ne veut pas savoir parce qu'on en est. On sait peut-etre moins les problemes que fait surgir, en matiere d' icriture notamment, l'effort pour transmettre la connaissance scientifique de l'objet, et qui se voient specialement a propos de l' exemplification: cette strategie rhetorique communement employee pour • faire com prendre • |
acad2 | | Faute de pouvoir ecrire tout ce qu'il sait, et que ses lecteurs les plus prompts a denoncer ses. denonciations • savent souvent mieux que lui, mais sur un tout autre mode, le socio logue risque de para!tre sacrifier aux strategies les plus eprouvees de la polemique, insinuation, allusion, demi-mot, sous-entendu, autant de procedes que la rhetorique universitaire affectionne specialement. Et pourtant cette histoire sans noms propres a laquelle il est reduit |
acad1 | | l’espère, fidèle, de leurs suggestions et de leurs critiques. Les lectures préalables que j’ai pu obtenir, dans un cercle plus nombreux et plus large qu’à l’accoutumée, ont beaucoup contribué, à mes yeux au moins, au contrôle scientifique de ce travail. Mes premiers lecteurs m’ont aussi |
Homo Academicus | Pierre Bourdieu | En prenant pour objet un monde social dans lequel on est pris, on s'oblige a rencontrer, sous une forme que l'on peut dire dramatisie, un certain nombre de problemes epistemologiques fondamentaux, tous lies a la question de la difference entre la connaissance pratique et la connaissance savante, et notamment a la difficulte particuliere et de la rupture avec |
Homo Academicus | Pierre Bourdieu | les formules juridiques, dit Weber, • prennent en compte exclusivement les caracteristiques genera les univoques du cas considere • ) et sur un ensemble de relations formelles entre ces proprietes, il n'est pas sans consequence d'ignorer la distinction entre les cas ou le codage scientifique reprend une codification deja existante |
Homo Academicus | Pierre Bourdieu | C'est done dans l'objectivite meme qu'il existe une pluralite de principes de hierarchisation concurrents et les valeurs qu'ils determinent sont incommensurables, voire incompatibles, parce qu'associees a des interets antagonistes. On ne peut additionner, comme feraient sans doute les amateurs |
Le livre du rire et de l'oubli | Milan Kundera | Mais qu'est-ce que Zdena voulait dire quand elle l'accusait de faire l'amour comme un intellectuel ? |
Le livre du rire et de l'oubli | Milan Kundera | Ni Gottwald ni Clementis ne savaient que Franz Kafka avait emprunté chaque jour pendant huit ans l'escalier par lequel ils venaient de monter au balcon historique, car sous l'Autriche-Hongrie ce palais abritait un lycée allemand. Ils ne savaient pas non plus qu'au rez-de-chaussée du même édifice, le père de Franz, Hermann Kafka, avait une boutique dont l'enseigne montrait un choucas peint à côté de son nom, parce qu'en tchèque Kafka signifie choucas. |
Le livre du rire et de l'oubli | Milan Kundera | Le mécanicien sourit : « Elle ne sait pas compter jusqu’à dix. Ils ne peuvent pas lui trouver une autre place. Ils ne peuvent que lui reconfirmer son droit de dénoncer. C’est ça, pour elle, l’avancement! » |
Homo Academicus | Pierre Bourdieu | Est-ce a dire que le sociologue n'ait d'autre choix que d'user de la force technique mais aussi symbolique de la science pour s'instaurer en juge des juges, et imposer un jugement qui ne peut jamais etre completement affranchi des presupposes et des prejuges associes a sa position dans le champ qu'il pretend objectiver ou d'abdiquer les pouvoirs de l'absolutisme objecti viste pour se contenter d'un enregistrement perspectiviste des points de vue en presence ( dont le sien)? |
Photography: A Middle-Brow Art | Pierre Bourdieu & Shaun Whiteside | Weberian thought has lent credence to the idea that the value of an object of research is dependent on the interests of the researcher. This disenchanting relativism at least allows the illusion of an element of choice in the encounter between researchers and their objects. In fact, the most rudimentary techniques of the sociology of knowledge would show thatm every society, and throughout history, there exists a hierarchy of legitimate objects of study. Inheriting a tradition of political philosophy and social action, must sociology abandon the anthropological project to other sciences and, taking as its exclusive object the study of the most general and abstract conditions of experience and action, can it reject as meaningless types of behaviour whose historical import- ance is not immediately apparent? |
Photography: A Middle-Brow Art | Pierre Bourdieu & Shaun Whiteside | The experimenter who is faced with natural phenomena is like a spectator watching silent scenes. In a sense he is nature’s examining judge; only, instead of being up against those who seek to deceive him with lying testimonies or false witnesses, he is dealing with natural phenomena which are, as far as he is concerned, characters whose language and customs are unknown to him, who live in circumstances which are unknown to him and-yet whose intentions he wishes to know. To this end he employs all the means within his power. He observes their actions, their development, their man~ ifestations, and he seeks to untangle their causes by using various tests, called experiments. He uses all imaginable artifices and, as is commonly said, often tells lies to know the truth, and attributes his own ideas to nature. He makes certain presuppositions about the causes of the‘actions that pass before him, and, in order to know'if the hypothesis at the basis of his interpretation is. correct, he sets about bringing to light certain facts which, in the logical order of things, may confirm or negate the idea that he has conceived."- |
L'Insoutenable légèreté de l'être | Milan Kundera | Tereza, aux yeux de Tereza des stigmates de ses aventures avec ses maîtresses. |
Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste | Pierre Bourdieu | have every reason to fear that this book will strike the reader as 'very French'-which I know is not always a compliment. |
Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste | Pierre Bourdieu | I have every reason to fear that this book will strike the reader as 'very French'-which I know is not always a compliment |
Photography: A Middle-Brow Art | Pierre Bourdieu | In other words, the description of objectified subjectivity refers to the description of the internalization of objectivity. The three moments of the scientific process are therefore inseparable: im meqiate lived experience, understood through expressions which mask objective meaning as much as they reveal it, refers to the analysis of objective meanings and the social conditions which make those meanings possible, an analysis which requires the construction of the relationship between the agents and the objective meaning of their actions. |
The Inheritors: French Students and Their Relation to Culture | Pierre Bourdieu | ESSAY IS MAINLY BASED oN A PROGRAM oF surveys carried out in the context of the work of the Centre de Sociologic europeenne (Center for European Sociology), the fu11 results of which have been published elsewhere, 1 on statistics from the IN SEE and the BUS, 2 and on monographic studies or preliminary surveys carried out by us or, under our direction, by sociology students in Lille and Paris, working individually or in university research groups. These were on: students' mutual ac quaintance (Lille group); examination anxiety (B. Vernier); an attempt at integration (Lille group); students' leisure (G. Bourgeois); students' image of the student (Paris group); and the Sorbonne Greek Drama Society and its audience (Paris group). |
The Right Tools for the Job: At Work in Twentieth-Century Life Sciences | Adele E. Clarke | In this essay I argue that philosophers interested in process as well as product should take into account the materials used to support sci entific claims: machines, tools, instruments, supplies, organisms, and other resources. They should also interpret these elements in terms of the material basis of theory construction. Theory construction is a point of contact between the social processes that concern historians and so ciologists of scientific activity on the one hand and the concepts that concern historians and philosophers of scientific ideas on the other. 2 In addition to developing a perspective on this problem, I hope to show historians and sociologists something of the character of philosophical work and where our joint interests and prospects for collaborative re search may lie. |
Making the Social World: The Structure of Human Civilization | John Searle | One might object that there already was a recognized branch of philosophy called "social philosophy," on which there are numerous |
Making the Social World: The Structure of Human Civilization | John Searle | university courses. But social philosophy courses, as they have traditionally been conceived, tended to be either the philosophy of social science or a continuation of political philosophy, sometimes called "political and social philosophy." |
Making the Social World: The Structure of Human Civilization | John Searle | social philosophy." Thus in such a course one is likely to study either such topics as C. G. Hempel on deductive nomological explanations or John Rawls on the theory of justice. |
Making the Social World: The Structure of Human Civilization | John Searle | The distinctive feature of human social reality, the way in which it differs from other forms of animal reality known to me, 2 is that humans have the capacity to impose functions on objects and people where the objects and the people cannot perform the functions solely in virtue of their physical structure. |
Cognition in the Wild | Edwin Hutchins | Similar developments in the other behavioral sciences during the cognitive revolution of the late 1950s and the 1960s left a troubled legacy in cognitive science. It is notoriously difficult to generalize laboratory findings to real-world situations. The relationship be tween cognition seen as a solitary mental activity and cognition seen as an activity undertaken in social settings using various kinds of tools is not at all clear. |
Cognition in the Wild | Edwin Hutchins | cannot be unaffected by it. Similar developments in the other behavioral sciences during the cognitive revolution of the late 1950s and the 1960s left a troubled legacy in cognitive science. It is notoriously difficult to generalize laboratory findings to real-world situations. The relationship be tween cognition seen as a solitary mental activity and cognition seen as an activity undertaken in social settings using various kinds of tools is not at all clear. |
Cognition in the Wild | Edwin Hutchins | cannot be unaffected by it. Similar developments in the other behavioral sciences during the cognitive revolution of the late 1950s and the 1960s left a troubled legacy in cognitive science. It is notoriously difficult to generalize laboratory findings to real-world situations. The relationship be tween cognition seen as a solitary mental activity and cognition seen as an activity undertaken in social settings using various kinds of tools is not at all clear |
Cognition in the Wild | Edwin Hutchins | Similar developments in the other behavioral sciences during the cognitive revolution of the late 1950s and the 1960s left a troubled legacy in cognitive science. It is notoriously difficult to generalize laboratory findings to real-world situations. The relationship be tween cognition seen as a solitary mental activity and cognition seen as an activity undertaken in social settings using various kinds of tools is not at all clear. |
A Gentleman in Moscow | Amor Towles | Well, where is our purpose now? |
The Challenges of Vulnerability: In Search of Strategies for a Less Vulnerable Social Life | Barbara A. Misztal | It is now very timely to begin the process of theorizing vulnerability as the mass media, politicians and academics increasingly use this term to signify the importance of the fragile, insecure and contingent nature of modern living. The proliferation of the notion of vulnerability seems to reflect a new sense of risk. Paradoxically, this greater awareness of risk has come in the context of improvements in living standards and wealth for larger numbers of people around the globe than at any time in history, the important his- torical successes of public health movements and improvements in health care and medical science |
The Challenges of Vulnerability: In Search of Strategies for a Less Vulnerable Social Life | Barbara A. Misztal | It is now very timely to begin the process of theorizing vulnerability as the mass media, politicians and academics increasingly use this term to signify the importance of the fragile, insecure and contingent nature of modern living. The proliferation of the notion of vulnerability seems to reflect a new sense of risk. Paradoxically, this greater awareness of risk has come in the context of improvements in living standards and wealth for larger numbers of people around the globe than at any time in history, the important his- torical successes of public health movements and improvements in health care and medical science |
A Gentleman in Moscow | Amor Towles | Well, where is our purpose now |
The Social Life of Information | John Seely Brown & Paul Duguid | Well-honed resources fo r living tend to fall out of sight, lost to the immediate demands of daily life. New technologies, by contrast, draw and deserve a lot of attention. Consequently, it's easy to overlook the resources that lie beyond the immediacy of the information tunnel, even when they are quite substantial. |
Statistical Analysis of Network Data With R | Eric D. Kolaczyk & Gábor Csárdi | Eric D. Kolaczyk is a professor of statistics and Director of the Program in Statistics, in the Department of Mathematics and Statistics at Boston University, where he also is an affiliated faculty member in the Bioinformatics Program, the Division of Systems Engineering, and the Program in Computational Neuroscience. His publications on network-based topics, beyond the development of statistical methodology and theory, include work on applications ranging from the detection of anomalous traffic patterns in computer networks to the prediction of biological function in networks of interacting proteins to the characterization of influence of groups of actors in social networks. He is an elected fellow of the American Statis- tical Association (ASA) and an elected senior member of the Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers (IEEE). |
Modernism | Peter Childs | Modernism combines a comprehensive introduction to the movement with original analyses of key Modernist texts. As Peter Childs traces the Modernist movement from its roots and through its various branches, he tackles such issues as gender, class, race and sexuality, offering an account which is critically informed and engaging throughout. This essential guide takes the reader from the who’s who and what’s what of Modernism to an advanced understanding of this crucial cultural movement. |
The Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge | Peter L. Berger & Thomas Luckmann | The sociology of knowledge, therefore, must concern itself with the social construction of reality. The analysis of the theoretical articulation of this reality will certainly continue to be a part of this concern, but not the most important part. It will clear that, despite the exclusion of the epistemological/ methodological problem, what we are suggesting here is a far-reaching redefinition of the scope of the sociology of knowledge, much wider than what has hitherto been under stood as this discipline. |
The Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge | Peter L. Berger & Thomas Luckmann | the framework of a more general analysis |
The Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge | Peter L. Berger & Thomas Luckmann | society |
The Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge | Peter L. Berger & Thomas Luckmann | The sociology of knowledge, therefore, must concern itself with the social construction of reality. The analysis |
Complex Organizations: A Critical Essay | Charles Perrow | Let me be quite clear about my position, since it guides this book: in my view, bureaucracy is a form of organization superior to all others we know or can hope to afford in the near and middle future; the chances of doing away with it or changing it are probably nonexistent in the West in this century. Thus, it is crucial to understand it and appreciate it. But it is also crucial to understand not only how it mobilizes social resources for desir able ends, but also how it inevitably concentrates those forces in the hands of a few who are prone to use them for ends we do not approve of, for ends we are generally not aware of, and more frightening still, for ends we are led to accept because we are not in a position to conceive alternative ones. The investigation of these fearful possibilities has too long been left to men of letters, journalists, and radical political leaders. It is time that organiza tional theorists began to turn their expertise toward the true nature of bureaucracy. This will require a better understanding both of the virtues of bureaucracy, despite its critics, and of its largely unexplored dangers. |
Complex Organizations: A Critical Essay | Charles Perrow | Political patronage reached such a corrupting extreme in the late nineteenth century that the merit system and civil service examinations were instituted in the federal and most state govern ments. Of course, we now pay a price for that sweeping change, since merit systems may have little to do with merit. Once a civil service appointee receives his "tenure," it is very hard to remove him for lack of competence. Over the years, as the organization changes and the demand for new skills increases, the person who may have once been a very competent employee may turn out to be quite incompetent. But the organization is stuck with him. One need look no further, for example, than university departments where skills change quickly, promise does not materialize into productivity, or men simply pass their prime. Should universities change to the extent that teaching ability became a prime criterion for competence, rather than a secondary one, many tenured people might be found incompetent. |
Constructing Grounded Theory | Kathy Charmaz | From the start, a grounded theory study takes a different form than other types of ethnographies. Grounded theory ethnography gives priority to the studied phenomenon or process-rather than to a description of a setting. Thus, from the beginnings of their fieldwork, grounded theory ethnographers study what is happening in the setting and make a conceptual rendering of these actions. A grounded theory ethnographer likely moves across settings to gain more knowledge of the studied process. Other ethnographic approaches often focus on topics such Grounded theory ethnography gives priority to the studied phenomenon or process-rather than the setting itself. as kinship networks, religious practices, and the organization of work in a spe cific community. Subsequently, these ethnographers provide full descriptions of these topics in the studied setting and usually take a more structural than processual approach. |
Constructing Grounded Theory | Kathy Charmaz | You can make the most of what you bring to the setting. Novices often bring energy and openness. Some experienced ethnographers may be so imbued with disciplinary ideas and procedures that they have difficulty moving beyond them. Other experienced ethnographers sense areas to pursue without articu lating them and, moreover, without being wedded to them. Novices may floun der. A few guidelines can turn floundering into flourishing. Mitchell (in Charmaz Mitchell, 2001) has found that student ethnographers flourish with a little help. He asks students to study actions and actors and provides the ques tions below to spark their thinking. You may find several questions that help you to view the events in your research setting. If so, adopt them, but follow what you observe in the setting first. We can use Mitchell's questions to initiate inquiry, not to substitute a formula for it. |
Constructing Grounded Theory | Kathy Charmaz | content |
Constructing Grounded Theory | Kathy Charmaz | content, meaning and action, structures and actors. Grounded theory can expedite ethnographers' delving into problematic topics that emerge in the field. A grounded theory strategy: Seek data, describe observed events, answer fundamental questions about what is happening, then develop theoretical cate gories to understand it. This approach also remedies weaknesses in grounded theory studies, especially those that rely on single accounts given to field inves tigators. How people explain their actions to each other may not resemble their statements to an interviewer. Moreover, participants' most important explana tions may consist of tacit understandings. If so, then participants seldom artic ulate them out loud among themselves, let alone to non-members. Understanding derives most directly from the immediacy of our |
Constructing Grounded Theory | Kathy Charmaz | content, meaning and action, structures and actors. Grounded theory can expedite |
Constructing Grounded Theory | Kathy Charmaz | content, meaning and action, structures and actors. Grounded theory can expedite |
Constructing Grounded Theory | Kathy Charmaz | actors |
Constructing Grounded Theory | Kathy Charmaz | actors |
Constructing Grounded Theory | Kathy Charmaz | An ethnographer may invoke such questions when learning about context and content, meaning and action, structures and actors. Grounded theory can expedite ethnographers' delving into problematic topics that emerge in the field. A grounded theory |
Constructing Grounded Theory | Kathy Charmaz | An ethnographer may invoke such questions when learning about context and content, meaning and action, structures and actors. Grounded theory can expedite ethnographers' delving into problematic topics that emerge in the field. A grounded theory strategy: Seek data, describe observed events, answer fundamental questions about what is happening, then develop theoretical cate gories to understand it. This approach also remedies weaknesses in grounded theory studies, especially those that rely on single accounts given to field inves tigators. How people explain their actions to each other may not resemble their statements to an interviewer. Moreover, participants' most important explana tions may consist of tacit understandings. If so, then participants seldom artic ulate them out loud among themselves, let alone to non-members. |
Constructing Grounded Theory | Kathy Charmaz | content, |
Epistemic Cultures: How the Sciences Make Knowledge | Karin Knorr-Cetina | There is a widespread consensus today that contempbrary Western socie ties are in one sense or another ruled by knowledge and expertise. A proliferation of concepts such as that of a "technological society" (e.g., Berger et al. 1974), an "information society� (e.g., Lyotard 1984, Beniger 19&6), a "knowledge society" (Bell 1973, Drucker 1993, Stehr 1994 ), or a "risk society" or "experimental society" (Beck 1992) embodies this understanding |
Complex Organizations: A Critical Essay | Charles Perrow | This meant that, as stated in American Management Review in 1924, "The study of the employee's mind alone will not solve, and often confuses, the problem. The mind of management is also an integral part of human relationships in industry." (299) |
Homo Academicus | Pierre Bourdieu | Bref, comme on le voit bien dans les polémiques, qui sont les temps forts d'une concurrence symbolique de tous les instants, la connaissance pratique du monde social, et tout spécialement des adversaires, obéit à un parti pris de réduction; elle recourt à des étiquettes classificatoires qui désignent ou repèrent des |
Epistemic Cultures: How the Sciences Make Knowledge | Karin Knorr-Cetina | Both experiments studied, UA2 and ATLAS, are thus theoretically motivated. The top quark was just another in the long list of successfully predicted particles; Fermilab claimed to have first evidence for it only in April 1994,16 and its elusiveness remained a challenge. The Higgs mecha nism-more ho.nored than the top quark as a key to the mystery of mass of other particles and as a provider of a new observable particle with its own large mass-has been the main argument for ex ansion at CERN (CERN is building a Large Hadron Collider or LHC, by using its existing Large Electron Positron ring), and for the Superconducting Supercollider (SSC) in Texas (terminated after several years by· the U.S. House of Representatives in October 1993 ).17 In fact, experimental efforts in high energy physics today can be broadly classified into two categories: on the one hand, continued "tests" of the standard model, meaning the attempt to produce experimentally the particles and mechanisms predicted by theory and to make precise measurements of their. properties; on the other hand, experimental searches for physics beyond the standard model (see also DiLella 1990). These searches too are guided by theoretical models; they include, in the experiments observed, searches for "su persymmetric" particles predicted by a class of theories called supersym metric gauge field theories. |
The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism | Max Weber | It should be taught in the kindergarten of cultural history that this naïve idea of capitalism must be given up once and for all. Unlimited greed for gain is not in the least identical with capitalism, and is still less its spirit. Capitalism may even be iden- tical with the restraint, or at least a rational tempering, of this irrational impulse. But capitalism is identical with the pursuit of |
The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism | Max Weber | profit, and forever renewed profit, by means of continuous, rational, capitalistic enterprise. |
The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism | Max Weber | Let us now define our terms somewhat more carefully than is generally done. We will define a capitalistic economic action as one which rests on the expectation of profit by the utilization of opportunities for exchange, that is on (formally) peaceful chances of profit. |
The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism | Max Weber | But in modern times the Occident has developed, in addition to this, a very different form of capitalism which has appeared nowhere else: the rational capitalistic organization of (formally) free labour |
The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism | Max Weber | But the technical utilization of scientific knowledge, so important for the living conditions of the mass of people, was certainly encouraged by economic considerations, which were extremely favourable to it in the Occident. But this encouragement was derived from the peculiarities of the social structure of the Occident. We must |
The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism | Max Weber | hence ask, from what parts of that structure was it derived, since not all of them have been of equal importance? |
The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism | Max Weber | Such a legal sys- tem and such administration have been available for economic activity in a comparative state of legal and formalistic perfection only in the Occident. We must hence inquire where that law came from |
The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism | Max Weber | The magical and religious forces, and the ethical ideas of duty based upon them, have in the past always been among the most important formative influences on conduct. In the studies collected here we shall be concerned with these forces. |
How to Write a Lot: A Practical Guide to Productive Academic Writing | Paul J. Silvia | exegetical |
How to Write a Lot: A Practical Guide to Productive Academic Writing | Paul J. Silvia | The second malady, the wobbly compound syn drome, afflicts writers who erroneously believe that commas should mark pauses in speech. Our journals are battling a pandemic of wobbly compound syndrome. Some examples of casualties follow: • Positive moods enhance creative problem solving, and broaden thinking. • Experiment I demonstrated strong effects of plan ning on motivation, and clarified competing pre dictions about how planning works. Recognize the symptoms? Know why these are wrong? Compound sentences require two independent clauses. In wobbly compounds, the second clause can't stand alone because it lacks a subject: What broadens think ing? What clarified predictions? It's easy to fix these sentences. You can add a subject to the second clause ("and they broaden thinking," "and it clarified compet ing predictions") or you can omit the comma ("Positive moods enhance creative problem solving and broaden thinking.") |
How to Write a Lot: A Practical Guide to Productive Academic Writing | Paul J. Silvia | Master the rules of style, but don't let those rules paralyze you when you sit down to write. Revising while you generate text is like drinking decaffeinated coffee in the early morning: noble idea, wrong time. Your first drafts should sound like they were hastily translated from Icelandic by a nonnative speaker. |
How to Write a Lot: A Practical Guide to Productive Academic Writing | Paul J. Silvia | On my list of maladaptive practices that make writing harder, Not Outlining is pretty high-just above Typ ing With Scratchy Wool Mittens, just below Training My Dog to Take Dictation. Outlining is writing, not a prelude to "real writing." Writers who complain about "writer's block" are writers who don't outline. After trying to write blindly, they fe el frustrated and com plain about how hard it is to generate words. No surprise-you can't write an article if you don't know what to write. People who write a lot outline a lot. "Clear thinking becomes clear writing," said Zinsser (2001, p. 9). Get your thoughts in order before you try to communicate them to the world of science. |
How to Write a Lot: A Practical Guide to Productive Academic Writing | Paul J. Silvia | You'll write better when you expect rejection, be cause you'll mute the need to avoid failure. Writers motivated by failure avoidance write papers that sound defensive, wishy-washy, and uncertain. Instead of try ing to look good, they try not to look bad. Readers can feel the fear. Writers motivated by the need to achieve success, in contrast, write papers that sound confident and controlled. These· writers focus on the strengths of the work, assert the importance of the research, and convey a persuasive sense of confidence. |
How to Write a Lot: A Practical Guide to Productive Academic Writing | Paul J. Silvia | I asked a lot of people how they wrote papers that had several authors, and nearly everyone said that one author did most of the writing. The authors collectively develop and approve an outline, but one person gener ates the text. When the paper is done, all of the authors read it, provide comments, or rewrite parts as needed. A variation of this involves assigning sections to differ ent authors. A common division of labor assigns one person to write the method and results sections and another person to write everything else. I did find, however, some people who literally wrote together. |
How to Write a Lot: A Practical Guide to Productive Academic Writing | Paul J. Silvia | One pair of writers pulled two chairs in front of a computer, talked about what to say, and passed the keyboard back and forth. Another person said that he and a colleague wrote grants by putting two computers in a room and writing together. This system allowed them to work out kinks in the proposal and to interrupt each other with questions. Maybe a few villagers should touch the article, after all. |
How to Write a Lot: A Practical Guide to Productive Academic Writing | Paul J. Silvia | A review article's most common flaw is the absence of an original point. Some authors rehash research without drawing a conclusion; other authors describe competing theories without offering a resolution. This flaw has two causes. First, writers can't develop a new idea if they don't have any new ideas. It happens. After reading a massive body of work, you might learn that you have nothing original to add. If so, don't stubbornly write a review article to justify the time spent reading the articles. Second, some writers don't outline. They sit down with a stack of articles, grimly describe each study, and then tack a short "critical |
How to Write a Lot: A Practical Guide to Productive Academic Writing | Paul J. Silvia | summary" to the end of the paper. A complex project requires a strong outline-without one, your original point will be eclipsed by the mass of past research. Instead of writing review articles, people who don't outline should drive to the local animal shelter and adopt a dog, one that will love them despite their self defeating and irrational habits. |
How to Write a Lot: A Practical Guide to Productive Academic Writing | Paul J. Silvia | If you have an original point, don't hide it under a bushel-or under a laundry basket, if you don't own any bushels. Your original point should appear within the first few paragraphs of your article. The first part of your review article should introduce the article's central ideas, outline the article, and prefigure the original point that you plan to make |
How to Write a Lot: A Practical Guide to Productive Academic Writing | Paul J. Silvia | As a rough guide, a typical scholarly book has between 8 and 14 chapters, and a typical textbook has between 12 and 20 chapters. |
The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism and Other Writings | Max Weber | Central to that “spirit” is a view of economic activity that is historically novel, radical, and momentous. Consider first what it negated. Traditional, precapitalist attitudes toward work, Weber suggested, tend to see |
The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism and Other Writings | Max Weber | it as a necessary evil, to be expedited solely in order to live and as part of the never-ending, meaningless cycle of production and consumption. Economic activity is custom bound, and money or barter is the means to sustain habitual styles of life. Since work has no intrinsic value, laborers, when they are not under the compulsion of others, cease their exertions once their needs are met; the truly important matters of life begin once work has ended. Accordingly, Weber remarks, attempts to boost the productivity of tradition-bound workers by increasing piece rates often backfire. A model of homo economicus might lead one to assume that the prospect of more money through higher wages would encourage laborers to work harder and be more economically efficient. But, then again, homo economicus is simply a convenient fiction of economic theory. In real life, economic behavior is predicated on what people believe is rational for them, and such interpretations are socially embedded and culturally mediated. As a result, workers steeped in traditional ways of life may view the increased piece rate not as an incentive to become richer by working harder and longer but simply as a means to reach their customary wage sooner; having received enough to satisfy their needs, they may then desist from further activity. |
The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism and Other Writings | Max Weber |
In contrast to these traditional attitudes, consider next the mental and moral universe of early capitalist entrepreneurs, as Weber describes it. No longer is work deemed a meaningless chore to be finished as soon as possible. Now it is invested with moral value. For employers imbued with this new “spirit,” economic activity is an end in itself, central to their identity, a calling with rigorous implications that transgress old ways of doing business: if accustomed lifestyles and normative expectations are disrupted by the imperatives of productivity, calculated risk taking, innovation, and methodical behavior in which time is at a premium, then so be it. The enterprise is greater and more important than those it employs; the owner its resourceful steward, deferring the temptations of immediate consumption in order to make the organization more fecund and profitable. The priority of work over the worker, of the enterprise over the entrepreneur, means that there is little room here for sentimentality. In order to survive, the firm must constantly reinvest capital and adapt to an impersonal market; in order to flourish, competitors must be eliminated or at least neutralized. Steely objectivity and discipline are the orientations demanded from this godless mechanism. |
How to Write a Lot: A Practical Guide to Productive Academic Writing | Paul J. Silvia | If you have an original point, don't hide it under a bushel-or under a laundry basket, if you don't own any bushels. Your original point should appear within the first few paragraphs of your article. The first part of your review article should introduce the article's central ideas, outline the article, and prefigure the original point that you plan to make. |
How to Write a Lot: A Practical Guide to Productive Academic Writing | Paul J. Silvia | summary" to the end of the paper. A complex project requires a strong outline-without one, your original point will be eclipsed by the mass of past research. Instead of writing review articles, people who don't outline should drive to the local animal shelter and adopt a dog, one that will love them despite their self defeating and irrational habits. |
How to Write a Lot: A Practical Guide to Productive Academic Writing | Paul J. Silvia | If you have an original point, don't hide it under a bushel-or under a laundry basket, if you don't own any bushels. Your original point should appear within the first few paragraphs of your article. The first part of your review article should introduce the article's central ideas, outline the article, and prefigure the original point that you plan to make. |
How to Write a Lot: A Practical Guide to Productive Academic Writing | Paul J. Silvia | A review article's most common flaw is the absence of an original point. Some authors rehash research without drawing a conclusion; other authors describe competing theories without offering a resolution. This flaw has two causes. First, writers can't develop a new idea if they don't have any new ideas. It happens. After reading a massive body of work, you might learn that you have nothing original to add. If so, don't stubbornly write a review article to justify the time spent reading the articles. Second, some writers don't outline. They sit down with a stack of articles, grimly describe each study, and then tack a short "critical |
Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face to Face Behavior | Erving Goffman | The subject matter, however, can be identified. It is that class of events which occurs during co-presence and by virtue of co-presence. |
Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face to Face Behavior | Erving Goffman | objective in dealing with these data is to describe the natural units of interaction built up from them, |
Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face to Face Behavior | Erving Goffman | second objective is to uncover the norma- |
Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face to Face Behavior | Erving Goffman | second objective is to uncover the norma- |
Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face to Face Behavior | Erving Goffman | A second objective is to uncover the norma- |
Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face to Face Behavior | Erving Goffman | tive order prevailing within and between these units |
Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face to Face Behavior | Erving Goffman | Both of these objectives can be advanced through serious ethnography |
Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face to Face Behavior | Erving Goffman | The members of every social circle may be expected to have some knowledge of face-work and some experience . in its use. In our society, this kind of capacity is sometimes called tact, savoir-faire, diplomacy, or social skill. |
Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face to Face Behavior | Erving Goffman | I have already said that the person will have two points of view-a defensive orientation toward saving his own face and a protective orientation toward saving the others' face. Some practices will be primarily defensive and others primarily protective, although in general one may expect these two perspectives to be taken at the same time. In trying to save the face of others, the person must choose a tack that will not lead to loss of his own; in trying to save his own face, he must consider the loss of face that his action may entail for others. |
Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face to Face Behavior | Erving Goffman | In many societies there is a tendency to distinguish three levels of responsibility that a person may have for a threat to face that his actions have created. First, he may appear to have acted innocently; his offense seems to be unintended and unwitting, and those who perceive his act can feel that he would have attempted to avoid it had he foreseen its offensive consequences. In our society one calls such threats to face faux pas, gaffes, boners, or bricks. Secondly, the offending person may appear to have acted maliciously and spitefully, with the intention of causing open insult. Thirdly, there are incidental offenses; these arise as an unplanned but sometimes anticipated by-product of action-action the' offender performs in spite of its offensive consequences, although not out of spite. |
Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face to Face Behavior | Erving Goffman | ties. The members of every social circle may be expected to have some knowledge of face-work and some experience . in its use. In our society, this kind of capacity is sometimes called tact, savoir-faire, diplomacy, or socia |
Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face to Face Behavior | Erving Goffman | all If |
Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face to Face Behavior | Erving Goffman | The members of every social circle may be expected to have some knowledge of face-work and some experience . in its use. In our society, this kind of capacity is sometimes called tact, savoir-faire, diplomacy, or social skill |
Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face to Face Behavior | Erving Goffman | I have already said that the person will have two points of view-a defensive orientation toward saving his own face and a protective orientation toward saving the others' face. Some practices will be primarily defensive and others primarily protective, although in general one may expect these two perspectives to be taken at the same time. In trying to save the face of others, the person must choose a tack that will not lead to loss of his own; in trying to save his own face, he must consider the loss of face that his action may entail for others. In many societies there is a tendency to distinguish three levels of responsibility that a person may have for a threat to face that his actions have created. First, he may appear to have acted innocently; his offense seems to be unintended and unwitting, and those who perceive his act can feel that he would have attempted to avoid it had he foreseen its offensive consequences. In our society one calls such threats to face faux pas, gaffes, boners, or bricks. Secondly, the offending person may appear to have acted maliciously and spitefully, with the intention of causing open insult. Thirdly, there are incidental offenses; these arise as an unplanned but sometimes anticipated by-product of action-action the' offender performs in spite of its offensive consequences, although not out of spite. |
Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face to Face Behavior | Erving Goffman | One objective in dealing with these data is to describe the natural units of interaction built up from them |
Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face to Face Behavior | Erving Goffman | The avoidance process.-The surest way for a person to prevent threats to his face is to avoid contacts in which these threats are likely to occur. In all societies one can observe this in the avoidance relationship7 and in the tendency for certain delicate transactions to be conducted by go-betweens.8 Similarly, in many societies, members know the value of voluntarily making a gracious with drawal before an anticipated threat to face has had a chance to occur.9 |
Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face to Face Behavior | Erving Goffman | Certain protective maneuvers are as common as these defensive ones. The person shows respect and politeness, making sure to extend to others any ceremonial treatment that might be their due. He employs discretion; he leaves unstated facts that might implicitly or explicitly contradict and embarrass the positive claims made by others.lO |
Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face to Face Behavior | Erving Goffman | The Western traveler used to complain that the Chinese could never be trusted to say what they meant but always said what they felt their Western listener wanted to hear. The Chinese used to complain that the Westerner was brusque, boorish, and unmannered. In terms of Chinese standards, pre sumably, the conduct of a Westerner is so gauche that he creates an emergency, forcing the Asian to forgo any kind of direct reply in order to rush in with a remark that might rescue the Westerner from the compromising position in which he had placed himself. |
Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face to Face Behavior | Erving Goffman | The corrective process. -When the participants in an undertaking or encounter fail to prevent the occurrence of an event that is expressively incompatible with the judgments of social worth that are being maintained, and when the event is of the kind that is difficult to overlook, then the participants are likely to give it accredited status as an incident-to ratify it as a threat that deserves direct official attention-and to proceed to try to correct for its effects. |
Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face to Face Behavior | Erving Goffman | Aside from the event which introduces the need for a corrective interchange, four classic moves seem to be involved. There is, first, the challenge, by which participants take on the responsibility of calling attention to the misconduct |
Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face to Face Behavior | Erving Goffman | The second move consists of the offering, whereby a participant, typically the offender, is given a chance to correct for the offense and re-establish the expressive or der. |
Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face to Face Behavior | Erving Goffman | As a supplement to or substitute for the strategy of redefining the offensive act or himself, the offender can follow two other procedures: he can provide compen sations to the injured-when it is not his own face that he has threatened; or he can provide punishment, penance, and expiation for himself. |
Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face to Face Behavior | Erving Goffman | After the challenge and the offering have been made, the third move can occur: the persons to whom the offer ing is made can accept it as a satisfactory means of re establishing the expressive order and the faces supported by this order. Only then can the offender cease the major part of his ritual offering. In the terminal move of the interchange, the forgiven person conveys a sign of gratitude to those who have given him the indulgence of forgiveness. |
The Ecological Approach to Visual Perception | James J. Gibson | ocesses. For Gibson, percep tion was not construc ted from the build ing blocks of sensa tions. Rather, there were percep tual func tions, activ it ies of an inten tional animal for the purpose of detect ing inform a tion specifi c to itself and to the env |
The Ecological Approach to Visual Perception | James J. Gibson | “Perceiving is an achieve ment of the indi vidual, not an exper i ence in the theatre |
The Ecological Approach to Visual Perception | James J. Gibson | of conscious ness. It is a keeping- in-touch with the world, an exper i en cing of things rather than a having of exper i ences . . . “The act of picking up inform a- tion, moreover, is a continu ous act, an activ ity that is cease less and unbroken . . . “The continu ous act of perceiv ing involves the coper ceiv ing of the self.” |
The Ecological Approach to Visual Perception | James J. Gibson | To perceive is to be aware of the surfaces of the envir on ment and of oneself in it. The inter change between hidden and unhid den surfaces is essen tial to this aware ness. These are exist ing surfaces; they are specifi ed at some points of obser va tion. Perceiving gets wider and fi ner and longer and richer and fuller as the observer explores the envir on- ment. The full aware ness of surfaces includes their layout, their substances, their events, and their afford ances. Note how this defi n i tion includes within percep tion a part of memory, expect a tion, know ledge, and meaning—some part but not all of those mental processes in each case. |
The Ecological Approach to Visual Perception | James J. Gibson | The most decis ive test for reality is whether you can discover new features and details by the act of scru tiny. Can you obtain new stim u la tion and extract new inform a tion from it? Is the inform a tion inex- haust ible? Is there more to be seen? The imagin ary scru tiny of an imagin ary entity cannot pass the test.” |
The Ecological Approach to Visual Perception | James J. Gibson | Without ques tion, Gibson’s widest impact has been through his concept of “afford ance.” |
The Ecological Approach to Visual Perception | James J. Gibson | These entit ies “point both ways”—to the “object ive” envir on- ment and to the “subject” animal. They are real, well- defi ned, and not spooky in a subject ive mental istic sense; but not object ive in the common sense view of the phys ical world either. |
The Ecological Approach to Visual Perception | James J. Gibson | Norman some what skewed the meaning of afford ance, but he and other writers about design and human factors have offered clari fi c a tions and are quick to acknow ledge Gibson’s prior ity as well as their own depar tures from his original meaning. |
The Ecological Approach to Visual Perception | James J. Gibson | Soon after the public a tion of The Ecological Approach , it was common for people to wonder how one would do research on afford ances. That ques tion was answered with a steady stream of research. William H. Warren, Jr. (1984) conduc ted an elegant set of studies on stair climb ing—the percep tion of “climb- ab il ity” and the meas ure ment of actual “climb ab il ity” by tall people compared to short people. Interestingly, the maxmium step height that was judged to by climb- on-able 50% of the time for both groups corres pon ded to the same rela- tional value (the ratio of leg length to step riser height). This fi nding points to specifi able and perceiv able rela tional prop erty scaled relat ive to the indi vidual perceiver. This research led to a very large number of studies in many labs. Karen Adolph, a student of Eleanor J. Gibson’s, James Gibson’s equally famous- wife, followed up her mentor’s well known work with babies on a “visual cliff.” Adolph has now made numer ous import ant contri bu tions to our under stand ing of the devel op ment of infant loco motion and the percep tion of afford ances (e.g., Adolph & Kretch, 2012). |
The Ecological Approach to Visual Perception | James J. Gibson | Gibson’s stress on the funda mental nature of motor activ ity in perceiv ing (one must perceive in order to act and act in order to perceive) has led to many connec tions to human move ment research ers. |
Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face to Face Behavior | Erving Goffman | theoretically it would be possible for a squelch to be squelched, a topper to be topped, and a riposte to be parried with a counterriposte, but except in staged |
Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face to Face Behavior | Erving Goffman | interchanges this third level of successful action seems rare, |
Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face to Face Behavior | Erving Goffman | Certain protective maneuvers are as common as these defensive ones. The person shows respect and politeness, making sure to extend to others any ceremonial treatment that might be their due. He employs discretion; he leaves unstated facts that might implicitly or explicitly contradict and embarrass the positive claims made by others.lO |
How Trump Radicalized ICE | www.theatlantic.com | Over time, as the new arrivals gave birth to American citizens and became fans of the Ohio State Buckeyes and the Cleveland Cavaliers, they mentally buried the fact that their presence in America had never been fully sanctioned. When they had arrived in |
“The Worst Hour of His Entire Life”: Cohen, Manafort, and the Twin Courtroom Dramas That Changed Trump’s Presidency Is this finally the President’s accountability moment? | Susan B. Glasser | Eisen, a Harvard Law School classmate of Obama’s, has reinvented himself in the Trump era as one of this President’s most persistent legal scourges, filing multiple complaints against the President and his advisers as chairman of the watchdog group Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington. |